The
entire criminal justice system, according to The Independent on 10th January this year, is
infiltrated by organised crime gangs. That was the conclusion of a leaked Scotland Yard report which was
supposed to remain secret.
We
could
certainly be forgiven for thinking that corruption is rife throughout
the
great institutions of state. The
integrity of the police, hammered by the tragic mishandling of the
Stephen
Lawrence case, was hit further as the phone hacking scandal exposed
appalling corruption. Phone hacking also revealed wrongdoing by
print journalists, some close to the heart of political power, while the
BBC’s
reputation was tarnished by numerous revelations about Jimmy Savile. The
political establishment has gone through
five years of torment over the expenses scandal with powerful
aftershocks still
being felt today. Nor has the Church
escaped, especially the Romish one whose reputation globally lies in
tatters.
These
and other scandals have left scars in the public psyche, but how deep does
distrust run? Is the UK really facing a
crisis of confidence in its ability to run things cleanly? And is that distrust
justified?
Recent
ComRes research for International Justice Mission (IJM), published to
coincide with The Locust Effect – written by IJM’s Founder and CEO Gary
Haugen – reveals a wide seam of disaffection with the UK’s justice system.
The good news
is that most people, 59%, are ‘generally satisfied that Britain operates under
the rule of law’. Also encouraging is
that while there is a gap in confidence between older and younger people, the
latter register as more sceptical largely because there are more who decline to
offer a view at all.
And this
positive outlook translates into confidence in how people live their lives: 54%
report feeling safe walking alone at night in the area where they live, despite
a big variation between men and women.
But the real
shocker in the survey is the revelation that between a third and 40% of people
regard the criminal justice system as corrupt, depending on which part of it you
ask about.
Most
significantly, 40% do not agree that ‘generally speaking, people in Britain are
treated equally under the law’ - yet that is a fundamental tenet of our legal
system. Similarly 37% cannot agree with
the statement that ‘I don’t generally regard the British Government as
corrupt’.
On the
efficacy of the justice system again we find a surprisingly large pocket of
disquiet: 36% believe the police in Britain ‘have a significant corruption
problem’ (agreeing, it would seem, with Scotland Yard’s own ‘secret’ report)
and a further 34% ‘do not trust the courts in Britain to deliver just
outcomes’.
Across
every measure, people in lower income groups are the most negative towards the
ability of the State to see that justice is done. Forty-four percent in social group DE, which
includes the jobless and dispossessed, regard the British Government as
corrupt, compared to 31% in social group AB at the other end of the
spectrum. Similarly 49% of DEs do not
believe people are generally treated equally under the law, compared to 34% of the
more privileged ABs.
The
proportion of people who feel safe walking at night compares extremely favourably
with countries where the rule of law is so clearly a major problem and a cause
of inequality and injustice. At 54% it
is much higher, for example, than in Venezuela (34%), South Africa
(38%), Paraguay (40%), Costa Rica (41%) and Bolivia (43%),
It is this more positive personal
experience of safety which reveal the reality that access to justice is far
worse in many parts of the Developing World than in Britain. A 2008 United Nations report
estimates that four billion people live outside of the protection of the rule
of law. The Locust Effect points to other global studies which reveal
troubling trends showing that ‘everyday violence’ – acts of violence that are
already against the law, including rape, forced labour, sex trafficking, land
grabbing and police brutality – not only threaten the safety of billions of
people worldwide but significantly undermine international development efforts
aimed at ending poverty across the world.
As
author Haugen points out, “the answer to ending global poverty lies first and
foremost in ending common, everyday violence and introducing effective local
law enforcement. The problem is that the
justice systems are so broken that they do not shield the poor from violence.”
He goes on to suggest a reason why, while people in the UK feel more
secure than their counterparts in the developing world, many Britons are still
deeply pessimistic about their country’s justice institutions. Law enforcement ‘is a service that is often
out of sight, out of mind’ and Haugen suggests that affluent societies have
grown so accustomed to the comfort of a secure and effective justice system
that we focus more on its failings than its efficacy.
Haugen’s
global analysis does seem to be echoed in the variations in our own British
attitudes survey; it is particularly troubling that the poor in our own country
have the greatest distrust of the institutions created to defend us.
But
while we
in the prosperous West fret over corrupt police selling personal
information to
tabloid journalists, however odious that may be, we must not get out of
proportion the huge advantages we enjoy. Our justice system largely
works impartially and effectively. Girls here do not boycott school for
fear of
being sexually assaulted, the poor are not routinely run off their
property and
we do not fear being arrested for a crime we have not committed in order
to satisfy
a bribe-greedy police force.
Haugen’s book
is a great antidote to our lack of appreciation for the advantages we enjoy,
and an important contribution to the literature about why so many languish in
poverty and how they deserve our help.
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