This report was generated on 24 October 2014 at 10:28. To read commentary on the election using these forecasts, follow Election4castUK on Twitter. If you would like to give us feedback on this forecast, please email us at feedback@electionforecast.co.uk
The model uses the Ashcroft constituency polls where available, plus smaller samples of polling data for every constituency, extracted from pooling many national-level polls. However, the model does not know whether your MP is beloved by constituents or embroiled in scandal, nor does it know whether Boris Johnson or Nigel Farage is standing in your constituency, let alone what the implications of that might be. Some of this might be picked up in the polls, but not all of it will be, and we do not have much polling data to go on when it comes to constituencies. In the aggregate, these aspects of constituency-specific competition tend to average out across parties, but they certainly matter in individual constituencies. Think of our seat-level projections as a baseline for what you might expect from past election results, geography and demography, plus a little bit of polling data.
The following tables focuses on potential seat gains and losses for
each of the parties, including only those seats for which the
probability of a change of control is estimated at over 10%. If the
table is blank, there are currently no such seats.
The model uses the Ashcroft constituency polls where available, plus smaller samples of polling data for every constituency, extracted from pooling many national-level polls. However, the model does not know whether your MP is beloved by constituents or embroiled in scandal, nor does it know whether Boris Johnson or Nigel Farage is standing in your constituency, let alone what the implications of that might be. Some of this might be picked up in the polls, but not all of it will be, and we do not have much polling data to go on when it comes to constituencies. In the aggregate, these aspects of constituency-specific competition tend to average out across parties, but they certainly matter in individual constituencies. Think of our seat-level projections as a baseline for what you might expect from past election results, geography and demography, plus a little bit of polling data.
| Sortable table of predicted vote share for every party in every seat. |
| Sortable table of predicted probability of victory for every party in every seat. |
| Conservatives: | Gains | Losses |
| Labour: | Gains | Losses |
| Liberal Democrats: | Gains | Losses |
| SNP: | Gains | Losses |
| Plaid Cymru: | Gains | Losses |
| Greens: | Gains | Losses |
| UKIP: | Gains |
| Party | Lo | Votes | Hi | Swing |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Conservatives | 29.0% | 33.0% | 37.2% | -3.1% |
| Labour | 27.1% | 31.0% | 35.0% | 2.0% |
| Liberal Democrats | 10.9% | 14.0% | 17.3% | -9.0% |
| SNP | 2.6% | 3.2% | 3.9% | 1.5% |
| Plaid Cymru | 0.3% | 0.5% | 0.7% | -0.0% |
| Greens | 1.7% | 3.3% | 5.1% | 2.4% |
| UKIP | 8.9% | 11.7% | 15.0% | 8.6% |
| Other | 1.8% | 3.3% | 5.2% | -2.4% |
| Party | Lo | Seats | Hi | Swing |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Conservatives | 237 | 281 | 326 | -25 |
| Labour | 257 | 300 | 340 | 42 |
| Liberal Democrats | 13 | 24 | 37 | -33 |
| SNP | 13 | 21 | 29 | 15 |
| Plaid Cymru | 0 | 2 | 4 | -1 |
| Greens | 0 | 0 | 1 | -1 |
| UKIP | 1 | 3 | 6 | 3 |
| Other | 1 | 1 | 2 | 0 |
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